Tuesday 1 December 2015

مالذي يحصل باهوار الجبايش في جنوب العراق بسبب الجيران


شفق نيوز/ طالب شيوخ ووجهاء منطقة قضاء الجبايش بمحافظة الناصرية جنوبي العراق حكومتهم بوقف الاعتداء التركي على مياه دجلة والفرات والاهوار العراقية، مع انخفاض منسوب المياه في منطقتهم.
وخلال خيمة تحت يافطة "إنقاذ نهر دجلة والاهوار العراقية"، اعلن اعيان قضاء الجبايش وقوفهم مع الحملة القائمة منذ عام 2012، مشددين على ضرورة تعجيل تدخل الدولة لضمان توزيع اكثر عدلا لحصص المياه.
وتعاني مساحات واسعة من منطقة اهوار الجبايش من الجفاف بسبب شح المياه القادمة من نهر الفرات تحت وقع قلة الاطلاقات من الجانب التركي وسيطرة تنظيم الدولة الاسلامية على محافظات فيها محطات وسدود مائية في العراق وسوريا وعبثه بها، مما أثر على كميات المياه الواردة في نهر الفرات.
والأهوار عبارة عن مجموعة من المسطحات المائية، التي تغطي الأراضي المنخفضة الواقعة جنوبي السهل الرسوبي العراقي، وتعتبر أكبر نظام بيئي من نوعه في الشرق الأوسط وغربي آسيا.
وتبلغ مساحة المستنقع المائي الشاسع، نحو 16 ألف كيلو متر مربع، وتمتد بين ثلاث محافظات جنوبية هي ميسان، وذي قار، والبصرة.
وطالب المجتمعون حكومة العيادي بالتحرك على عدة وجهات وعدم التركيز فقط على وزارة الموارد المائية، مشددين على ان أسباب جفاف الاهوار تتحملها الحكومية العراقية ككل.
وأشار الشيوخ إلى أهمية التوجه للمرجعيات الدينية وقادة الكتل السياسية، لإطلاعهم على ما وصلت إليه المنطقة وما ستكون عليه لو استمر الصمت على الكارثة.
وحمل القائمون على حملة إنقاذ نهر دجلة والاهوار وزارة الموارد المائية العراقية مسؤولية التعامل بالمحاصصة المناطقية خلال تحويل حصة مياه الاهوار إلى محافظة النجف لغرض زراعة الشلب في ناحية المشخاب، مع تأكيدهم على أهمية توزيع الحصة المائية بصورة صحيحة والتركيز على أهم المناطق التي يمكن الاستفادة منها لإنعاش اقتصاد البلد.
ويحاول العراق المناورة عبر بتعويض النقص بالاعتماد على نهر دجلة وتمرير قسم من المياه إلى نهر الفرات أو مناطق كانت تعتمد على مياه الفرات.
ويبدو ان هذه المناورة لن تكون متاحة في القريب العاجل ما لم تتحرك الحكومة العراقية بسرعة مع استمرار بناء سد اليسو التركي الأول والأكبر من نوعه على نهر دجلة مستمر مما يعني ان الكارثة التي حلت بنهر الفرات من جراء تراكم السدود التركية عليه في طريقها للتكرار مع نهر دجلة.
وبالرغم من انجاز قسم كبير من منشئات سد اليسو من الجانب التركي إلا انه وليومنا هذا لم يكتمل. وتطالب الحملة بوقفه وان يكون للعراق موقف ايجابي بهذا الخصوص، خصوصا وان عدم التحرك يعني ضمنياً ضوءا اخضر لتركيا لمواصلة بناء سدود اخرى على نهر دجلة مثل سد جزرة وغيرها.
واستمر خيمت حملة إنقاذ نهر دجلة والاهوار العراقية لمدة ثلاثة أيام من اجل التنسيق لإقامة أنشطة وفعاليات مختلفة للحملة في منطقة الاهوار خلال سنة 2016، ومن بينها تعريف العراقيين والعالم بواقع الاهوار العراقية، وما آلت إليه من هجرة السكان وجفاف المياه فيها.
وتضمن المخيم عدد من الفعاليات والأنشطة، حيث تم تنظيم جولة في الاهوار، أستطاع المشاركون من الوصول إلى نقاط مهمة داخل الاهوار، من أجل اللقاء بسكان المنطقة والإطلاع على واقع الاهوار عن قرب، وأكد السكان تأثرهم الكبير بانخفاض المياه وجفاف الكثير من المساحات بما دفع كثيرا منهم الى الهجرة إلى مناطق أخرى.
ووضع المشاركين في المخيم خطتهم لتوسيع الحملة لكي تستهدف كل شرائح المجتمع العراقي والدولي، من اجل الضغط على الجهات المعنية بإيقاف بناء السدود التي تساهم بخلق أزمة مياه إقليمية وداخلية قد تنتج عنها حروب وأزمات يمكن تسميتها بـ "حروب المياه..
وساهم في المخيم نخبة من نشطاء الحملة من المتطوعين، وشهدت فعالياته تنظيم المنتدى الاجتماعي العراقي بالتعاون مع شبكة أنسم للإعلام المجتمعي ومبادرة التضامن مع المجتمع المدني العراقي.
يذكر ان وزير البيئة العراقي اعلن في وقت سابق عن اعداد ملف وطني خاص بادراج الاهوار العراقية ضمن لائحة التراث الانساني لما تمثله هذه المناطق الرطبة من اهمية كبيرة في التنوع الاحيائي والبيئي، وسط تحذيرات رسمية من نزوح أكثر من مئة ألف عراقي بسبب جفاف الأهوار.

Thursday 26 November 2015

إيران تُدشّن سداً يجفّف مياه نهر سيروان في حلبجة


الصباح الجديد 25.11.201
http://www.newsabah.com/wp/newspaper/67227
ادى بناء ايران مشروع سد وقناة تحويلية للمياه داخل اراضيها الى قطع موارد المياه القادمة الى نهر سيروان بمحافظة حلبجة الرافد الرئيس لبحيرة دربنديخان بنحو شبه كامل.
 
وقال رئيس لجنة السياحة والبلديات في برلمان اقليم كردستان عمر عنايت في تصريح لصحيفة الصباح الجديد ان المشروع الذي بنته ايران في قرية داريان غربي مدينة باوة بمحافظة كرمانشاه عبارة عن سد كبير لخرن المياه وقناة لتحويل المياه القادمة من هناك الى داخل الحدود العراقية، الى منطقة سهل زهاو بمحافظة كرمانشاه، عنايت تابع ان الاجراء الايراني سيتسبب بتجفيف نهر سيروان بالكامل كما سيؤدي الى انخفاض منسوب بحيرة دربنديخان بنسبة 75-80% ، عادا ذلــك الاجراء بانه يتنافى مع المواثيق والقوانين الدولية ولايراعي حقوق الجيرة وسوف يؤدي في حال تنفيذه، الى تجفيف الاف الدوانم من الاراضي الزراعية داخل الاراضي
العراقية.
 
عنايت اشار الى ان السلطات الايرانية اجرت يوم الثلاثاء 24 من شهر تشرين الثاني الجاري اول تجربة لهذا المشروع ما ادى الى قطع المياه بنحو كامل عن نهر سيروان، مبينا ان لديه معلومات تفيد بان ايران تعمل كذلك على بناء سدود على حدود محافظة اورمية لقطع المياه القادمة من منطقة سرده شت الايرانية الى داخل الاراضي العراقية، وتصب في بحيرة دوكان، مشيرا الى ان ذلك سيتسبب بقطع المياه تدريجًا عن بحيرة دوكان
كـذلك.

عنايت قال انه زار خلال الاعوام السابقة ايران وعندما سأل المسؤول عن مشروع سد داريان في ايران اجابه بانهم اخذوا موافقة المعنيين في الحكومة العراقية، عمر عنايت قال انه وجه كتابا الى برلمان كردستان للاسراع في متابعة الموضوع الذي عده بالخطر الجدي الكبير على مستقبل موارد المياه التي تصب في سدود الاقليم وتمثل الشريان الرئيس للحياة في محافظات حلبجة والسليمانية واربيل في الاقليم وتنحدر لتذهب منها الى محافظات ديالى وكركوك
وواسط.

بدوره قال نائب محافظ حلبجة كاوة شيخ علي في تصريح تابعته الصباح الجديد ان بناء هذا السد اضافة الى انه سيضر مناطق كرميان وحلبجة وسد دربنديخان فان اضراره ستمتد الى جنوب العراق كذلك، واضاف ان دخول المشروع حيز التنفيذ سيؤدي الى تجفيف نهر سيروان بالكامل، نائب محافظ حلبجة استرسل «طالبنا وزارة الزراعة في حكومة الاقليم ومجلس الوزراء باتخاذ جميع السبــل القانونية لمنع ايــران من الاستمرار في تنفيذ هذا المشروع الذي سيقتل كل امل للحياة في هذه المناطق. وقالوا اذا ما استمر قطع المياه من قبل الجانب الايراني على هذا الشكل فانه في الربيع المقبل لن يبقى نهر اسمه سيروان كما ان سد دربنــديخان سيجف بالكامل خلال الاعوام القليلة
المقبلة.

من جهتهم عبر المواطنون في تلك المناطق عن استيائهم من المشروع الايراني الذي وصفوه بانه سيقضي على اراضيهم التي تعتمـد على الزراعة كاساس للحياة.

سد داريان ، الذي بدأ بناؤه عام 2010 ، هو سد اقامته الحكومة الايرانية بالقرب من قرية داريان في منطقة باوة بمحافظة كرمانشاه، لتوليد الطاقة الكهربائية وخزن المياه وتحويلها الى منطقة سهل زهاو الزراعية التي عانت خلال الاعوام الماضية من شحة الامطار والجفاف.

Wednesday 25 November 2015

The Water Wars Waged by the Islamic State


Stratfor
 NOVEMBER 25, 2015

The Islamic State's use of natural resources to achieve its strategic goals is nothing new. Oil, one of the group's biggest sources of funding, plays an especially important role in its calculations — something the countries fighting the Islamic State are increasingly coming to realize. And they have begun to adjust their target sets accordingly. The United States and France, for example, have begun to launch airstrikes against the group's oil trucks and distribution centers, hoping to hamper its ability to pay for its military operations.


But what is less talked about, although no less important, is the Islamic State's use of water in its fight to establish a caliphate. Its tactics have brought water to the forefront of the conflict in Iraq and Syria, threatening the very existence of the people living under its oppressive rule. If the Islamic State's opponents do not move to sever the group's hold over Iraqi and Syrian water sources — and soon — it may prove difficult to liberate the region from the Islamic State's hold in the long term.

An Age-Old Conflict
Civilizations have long battled for access to water and founded their empires around great rivers. Historians believe that the ancient Sumerian city of Ur was favored by the empires that followed for its abundance of water and its proximity to the Persian Gulf. Other accounts say the city's inhabitants abandoned it amid severe droughts and the drying up of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. Today, drought and low rainfall compete with the manmade disaster of terrorism to destroy the same, once-fertile swathe of land stretching along the two rivers.

Governments and non-state actors alike have used water as a weapon for centuries. While the number of full-blown wars over water resources has been lower than one might expect, given how critical water is to any population's survival, smaller conflicts have been numerous, destructive and deadly. The Middle East has fallen prey to this competition in recent years as states and groups have increasingly shifted from simply cutting off water supplies for a short period of time to diverting water flows or completely draining supplies in an attempt to threaten or coerce consumers.

The Islamic State is no exception. Since the group began expanding its territorial claims in western Syria, it has used water as a tool in its broader strategy of advancing and establishing control over new land. True, the Islamic State has also (and perhaps more visibly) targeted strategic oil and natural gas fields in both Syria and Iraq, but a close look at the group's movements clearly indicates that the Tigris and Euphrates rivers hold a central role in its planning. Recognition of the Islamic State's intention to organize its new caliphate around the Tigris-Euphrates Basin may prove helpful in the long-term fight against the group.

In 2012, the Islamic State emerged from the power vacuum created by the Syrian civil war and made its presence known in the western city of Aleppo. It had little in common with Syria's other rebel groups, which were primarily focused on fighting the forces of Syrian President Bashar al Assad for regime change. Instead, the Islamic State was a terrorist organization with a clear agenda and strategy: It wanted to build an Islamic caliphate that would, from its perspective, follow the truest form of Islam as decreed by the Prophet Mohammed. Over the following year, the group moved quickly and decisively, cutting a path through Syria and toward Iraq, capturing the key towns of Maskana, Raqqa, Deir el-Zour and al-Bukamal  — all of which are positioned along the Euphrates River.

The Iraqi front didn't look much different; the Islamic State easily captured the river towns of Qaim, Rawah, Ramadi and Fallujah, two of which (Rawah and Ramadi) gave the group direct access to two of Iraq's major lakes, Haditha Dam Lake and Lake Tharthar. Meanwhile, the Islamic State pursued a similar strategy along the Tigris River, successfully capturing Mosul and Tikrit and attempting to seize other towns and cities along the way. In Iraq the goal was Baghdad, from which the group could rule a caliphate encompassing Syria and Iraq. While the oil and natural gas fields it seized along the way were a means for the group to threaten military forces and make money, the bodies of water and infrastructure were a means to hold the entire region hostage.

Historically, the Euphrates and Tigris rivers have been an important source of contention between Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran. The lack of cooperation and coordination between these countries on sharing the mighty rivers has led to a failure to regulate their use and an overconsumption of resources.

 Consequently, any and all activity by upstream nations regarding the water resources carries the risk of agitating tensions with downstream countries. With no regional coordination and poor security along the rivers themselves, terrorist groups — including the Islamic State — have been able to use water as both a target and a weapon. Not only have they destroyed water-related infrastructure such as pipes, sanitation plants, bridges and cables connected to water installations, but they have also used water as an instrument of violence by deliberately flooding towns, polluting bodies of water and ruining local economies by disrupting electricity generation and agriculture.

Since 2013, the Islamic State has launched nearly 20 major attacks (as well countless smaller assaults) against Syrian and Iraqi water infrastructure. Some of these attacks include flooding villages, threatening to flood Baghdad, closing the dam gates in Fallujah and Ramadi, cutting off water to Mosul, and allegedly poisoning water in small Syrian towns, to name just a few. Most of these operations are aimed at government forces, designed to fight the military by using water as a weapon against them, though some targeted water infrastructure to disrupt troop movements. Such efforts also often have the added benefit of enhancing recruitment efforts; by allowing water to flow to towns sympathetic to the Islamic State's cause, or even by simply doing a better job of providing necessary services, the group can attract more men and women to its ranks.

With water at the core of its expansionist strategy, the Islamic State has also ensured that bodies of water and their corresponding infrastructure have moved to the forefront of the ongoing conflict in the Middle East. The control of major water resources and dams has, in turn, given the Islamic State a firm grip on the supplies used to support agriculture and electricity generation. Mosul Dam, for example, gave the Islamic State control over 75 percent of Iraq's electricity generation while it was in the group's possession. In 2014, when the group shut down Fallujah's Nuaimiyah Dam, the subsequent flooding destroyed 200 square kilometers (about 77 square miles) of Iraqi fields and villages. And in June 2015, the Islamic State closed the Ramadi barrage in Anbar province, reducing water flows to the famed Iraqi Marshes and forcing the Arabs living there to flee. While coalition and government forces in both countries have managed to recapture some key water sites, the threat of further damage persists.

At the same time, governments and militaries have used similar tactics to combat the Islamic State, closing the gates of dams or attacking water infrastructure under their control. But the Islamic State's fighters are not the only ones hurt by these efforts — the surrounding population suffers, too. The Syrian government has been repeatedly accused of withholding water, reducing flows or closing dam gates during its battles against the Islamic State or rebel groups, and it used the denial of clean water as a coercive tactic against many suburbs of Damascus thought to be sympathetic to the rebels.

Finding a Regional Solution
Because of its importance to both electricity generation and agricultural production, water has the power to run or ruin an economy. And since bodies of water often extend beyond any one country's borders, history shows that the competition for water resources can often only be settled peacefully through regional cooperation. Before Iraq and Syria deteriorated, and groups like the Islamic State arose, countries around the Tigris and Euphrates rivers had only each other to contend with. And in late 2010, the leaders of Turkey, Syria, Lebanon and Jordan appeared to be on the verge of making progress toward setting up an integrated economic region. The countries' leaders called for regionwide cooperation on tourism, banking, trade and other sectors, and could have laid the foundation for further agreements on the distribution of shared natural resources like water. Though ambitious, the ideas and sentiments behind the proposals had the power to transform the region.
But politics prevailed, as is so often the case, and in less than a year the moment was lost. Had Turkey, Iraq and Syria taken the opportunity to act while political conditions were favorable, they would have found it easier to collectively tackle the Islamic State's advance later on. Bodies of water could have been labeled regional commons and thus the collective responsibility of all parties, ensuring swifter reactions by the governments involved to protect the water and associated infrastructure from terrorism. This, in turn, would have better protected the people and areas surrounding the rivers and lakes in the region. Of course, it is easy to look back and lament actions not taken, but the point remains that there is still a chance for these countries to come together and start working collectively to protect the water resources they share. 
There is no doubt that the Islamic State has a very clear strategy, one that extends even beyond Syria and Iraq and into the wider region. The group has established bases throughout North Africa, following a similar path of controlling key resources and using them as weapons against the populations and governments it seeks to coerce or destroy. It is time that nearby states and the international community re-examine what they know about the Islamic State's tactics and formulate a new plan of action. Forces fighting the Islamic State must look at the region as a single integrated basin and bring bodies of water — and by extension, the populations dependent on them — to the forefront of their strategies. Water has always formed the core of civilizations; the Middle East — not to mention an Islamic State caliphate — is no different.

Thursday 21 May 2015

Without ensuring universal access to water, there can be no food security


Published: 15 May 2015
Posted in:  FAO | water
 Guardian | 15 May 2015



A new report on water for food security and nutrition shows how land, food and water issues are inextricably linked. This must be reflected in policymaking.

by Lyla Mehta

Ensuring universal access to water is vital in order to address food security and improve nutrition, yet recognition of the links between water and food are too often missed.

major report on water for food security and nutrition, launched on Friday by the high-level panel of experts on food security and nutrition (HLPE), is the first comprehensive effort to bring together access to water, food security and nutrition. This report goes far beyond the usual focus on water for agriculture.

Safe drinking water and sanitation are fundamental to human development and wellbeing. Yet inadequate access to clean water undermines people’s nutrition and health through water-borne diseases and chronic intestinal infections.

The landmark report, commissioned by the committee on world food security (CFS), not only focuses on the need for access, it also makes important links between land, water and productivity. It underlines the message that water is integral to human food security and nutrition, as well as the conservation of forests, wetlands and lakes upon which all humans depend.

Policies and governance issues on land, water and food are usually developed in isolation. Against a backdrop of future uncertainties, including climate change, changing diets and water-demand patterns, there has to be a joined-up approach to addressing these challenges.

There are competing demands over water from different sectors such as agriculture, energy and industry. With this in mind, policymakers have to prioritise the rights and interests of the most marginalised and vulnerable groups, with a particular focus on women, when it comes to water access.

There is vast inequality in access to water, which is determined by socio-economic, political, gender and power relations. Securing access can be particularly challenging for smallholders, vulnerable and marginalised populations and women.

All around the world, water reform processes as well as large-scale land acquisitions often overlook and threaten the customary and informal rights of poor and marginalised women and men.

Moreover, women’s entitlements are often recorded as belonging to the male “head of the household”. Removing this gender bias in farming and water and providing equal access to resources for both male and female farmers would have a big impact on food security and nutrition.

Smallholder farmers produce more than 70% of the world’s food but often lack recognition of their land and water rights in formal legal systems. Women and girls frequently spend several hours a day collecting water but lack decision-making power when it comes to water management. Indigenous people are often displaced from their lands and rivers as a result of large infrastructure projects, and the interests of fisherfolk and pastoralists are rarely advanced in national policies.

Mechanisms to allocate water need to give adequate priority to water for food production as well as for the basic needs of poorest populations and those pushed to the edges of society.

There is increasing corporate interest in water, and states should ensure that investments respect basic rights to water and sanitation as well as food.

Taking these complexities into account, the report proposes ways to enhance the capacity of poor farmers to manage water and land and to increase water and agricultural productivity in a range of food production systems, improve governance and invest in metrics and knowledge.

The human right to safe drinking water and sanitation as well as the right to food are globally recognised. States should ensure the full implementation of these rights and explore how they can be meaningfully joined up.

The right to water largely focuses on safe drinking water and sanitation and rarely considers the productive uses of water. In Kenya, Colombia and Senegal, 71–75% of households use domestic water supplies for productive activities such as food gardening. Water is integral for sustainable livelihoods.

There is no doubt that land, food and water issues are linked. The barriers to joined-up national and global policies do not derive from a lack of technology or resources. Rather they are rooted in the absence of human rights, and the failure to recognise that water and food are intertwined.

The HLPE report argues for coherence on these issues at all levels of policymaking and management, from local to global. We are calling for a human rights approach to water governance to enhance food security and nutrition. Only this will ensure healthy and productive lives for all.

Lyla Mehta is leader of the project team for the HLPE report, and professorial fellow at the UK’s Institute of Development Studies